Every political quiz makes choices. This one makes more than most. Here's what we did, why, and the sources we drew from, so you can argue with us properly.
1 · What this quiz is, and isn't
This is an editorial tool, not a psychometric instrument. It's designed to help you think about your politics in more than the usual two dimensions, and to offer a result with enough character to be worth discussing. It draws on real academic work: Eysenck's two-axis model, Bourdieu's cultural capital, Haidt's moral foundations, the broader Political Compass tradition, but it isn't peer-reviewed, isn't validated against a control sample, and doesn't claim to predict your behaviour.
What we'd say it is good for: surfacing internal contradictions you might not have noticed, giving you better vocabulary for your own positions, and possibly an argument at the pub. What we wouldn't claim: that it diagnoses you, that the archetypes are scientifically real, or that the party percentages tell you who to vote for.
2 · The nine axes
Most political quizzes use two axes: economic left-right and social authoritarian-libertarian. That's the model Hans Eysenck proposed in 1954 and which The Political Compass popularised. It's good but limited: it can't tell apart a free-market progressive from a free-market traditionalist, or a localist socialist from a globalist one.
We expanded to nine. The first two are the classical pair. The other seven are additions designed to capture the parts of your politics that the standard compass misses. The ninth, the planet, was added in October 2026 after the first weeks of results: the Eco Warrior card was going to the most progressive and international respondents whether or not they cared about ecology, because nothing in the quiz measured it.
ECOEconomic. Collectivist (−) to market-friendly (+). The classical economic-left-right axis. From Eysenck (1954) onwards.
SOCSocial. Order-leaning (−) to liberty-leaning (+). Eysenck's "tough-minded vs. tender-minded" axis, refined through the Political Compass tradition.
WILFree will. Shaped-by-circumstance (−) to autonomous-actor (+). Whether you think people mostly choose their lives or are mostly shaped by what they were dealt. Borrowed from the determinism debate in moral philosophy (Strawson, Dennett).
TRATradition. Traditional (−) to progressive (+). Distinct from social liberty. Someone can be socially liberal but culturally traditional. Inspired by Karl Mannheim's work on generational worldviews.
GLOGlobalism. Localist (−) to globalist (+). The "anywhere vs. somewhere" distinction David Goodhart formalised in The Road to Somewhere (2017). Reflects how much of your moral horizon is your community vs. the world.
BOUCultural capital. Rooted-in-everyday-taste (−) to highbrow (+). Bourdieu's argument in Distinction (1979) that taste isn't neutral: it's class signalling. Whether you reach for Marina Hyde or Loose Women.
NATNature/nurture. Nurture-leaning (−) to nature-leaning (+). Whether you think character is mostly built or mostly born. A long debate in psychology (Pinker's The Blank Slate is the most-cited modern statement).
TRUTrust in institutions. Sceptical (−) to trusting (+). The single best predictor of populist voting in 2024–2026 polling. We separated it from the social axis because they don't always move together. You can be socially conservative and deeply suspicious of institutions, or socially liberal and trusting of them.
PLAPlanet. Growth-and-comfort first (−) to planet first (+). How much of your own convenience you would trade for the natural world, and whether you want that trade imposed on everyone. Measured by a comfort dial, a bypass through an ancient wood, a flight allowance, the polluting factory and where you put climate adaptation in the wiring question. Draws on the "post-materialist values" line of research (Inglehart, 1977 onwards).
The economic and social axes are weighted 1.2× the others, because they remain the most consequential dimensions of political identity, even with seven others alongside.
3 · The fourteen archetypes
The archetypes are editorial constructs, not validated personality types. We built them by looking at how the nine axes cluster in recognisable political traditions, both contemporary (the Cosmopolitan Liberal, the Sovereignist) and historical (the Old Socialist, the Templar). Each archetype is defined by a centroid in nine-dimensional space; matching is done by weighted Euclidean distance.
Names like "Templar" or "Bohemian" don't appear in any political science paper. They're labels we chose to feel evocative rather than clinical. A standard k-means cluster analysis on enough real responses would probably produce different, less colourful groupings. We made an editorial choice: better stories beat better statistics for a quiz that's trying to be read, not cited.
The left-of-centre half of the spectrum is more densely populated than the right: we have seven archetypes broadly there (Eco Warrior, Old Socialist, Cosmopolitan Liberal, Anarchist, Dissenter, Steward, Builder) versus three on the right (Templar, Free Marketeer, Sovereignist), plus four shapes that don't fit neatly on either side. This isn't bias. It's a reflection of where Bulletin's network sits, where we'd want the quiz to differentiate finely between adjacent positions rather than lumping them together. A version of the quiz aimed at a different audience would calibrate that density differently.
4 · How we pick your mentor and kindred spirit
This is the bit that's genuinely new. Most quizzes pick a single label and stop. We pick three: an archetype, a thinker, and a fictional character, and the second two are deliberately allowed to contradict the first.
The archetype is your overall shape. But the mentor and kindred are matched independently against your specific position in nine-dimensional space, drawing from a pool of 28 thinkers and 18 fictional characters whose own coordinates have been plotted from their writings, recorded positions, or canonical fictional behaviour.
This is intentional. If you're economically communist but culturally traditional, a position that confuses two-axis quizzes, you'd get Old Socialist as your archetype, but your mentor might be R.H. Tawney (Christian socialist) rather than Marx, and your kindred might be a character with similar internal tension. The matching is designed to honour your contradictions rather than smooth them out.
5 · The Foundation Test
The three vignettes in Chapter III (the dog, the flag, the funeral joke) are adapted from Jonathan Haidt's Moral Foundations Theory (MFT), specifically the research stimuli used in his 2001 paper "The Emotional Dog and Its Rational Tail" and developed further in The Righteous Mind (2012).
MFT proposes that moral reasoning operates across six foundations: Care/Harm, Fairness/Cheating, Loyalty/Betrayal, Authority/Subversion, Sanctity/Degradation, and Liberty/Oppression. Different political tribes weight these differently. Broadly, the left prioritises Care and Fairness; the right activates more foundations including Loyalty, Authority and Sanctity. The dog scenario probes Sanctity; the flag scenario probes Loyalty; the funeral joke probes Authority.
Our adaptations score against four of our nine axes (TRA, SOC, NAT, GLO). This is the most peer-reviewed part of the quiz. The original Moral Foundations Questionnaire is available at moralfoundations.org.
6 · How we score the UK parties
We position the five parties based on what they actually do, voting records, legislation passed and public policy decisions taken in 2024 to 2026, rather than what their manifestos promise. Manifestos are aspirational fiction. Records are not.
Alignment is calculated using cosine similarity, which measures the angle between your 8D vector and each party's, not the distance. This is the right metric for "ideological direction" rather than "ideological intensity": a moderate Labour voter and an angry Labour voter point the same way, just at different magnitudes.
Labour
ECO −30 · SOC +10 · TRA +30 · GLO +20 · TRU +50
In government since July 2024. Passed the Employment Rights Act 2025 (royal assent 18 December 2025), repealing most of the Trade Union Act 2016 and the Strikes (Minimum Service Levels) Act 2023, which is strongly pro-union. Scrapped the two-child benefit cap (~£3bn/year, November 2025) under backbench pressure. Tightened immigration via Border Security Command and the May 2025 "Restoring Control" white paper, reducing net migration from 649k to ~200k. Reformed non-dom tax status (April 2025, ~£1bn). U-turned on mandatory Digital ID (January 2026). Institutionally mainstream, modestly redistributive, harder on borders than its left flank expected. Sources: Acas, House of Commons Library, Full Fact Government Tracker.
Conservative
ECO +50 · SOC −20 · TRA −40 · GLO −30
In opposition since July 2024 under Kemi Badenoch (elected November 2024). Opposed the Employment Rights Act. Pushed for stricter welfare reform and the grooming gangs inquiry. Focused on "fiscal sustainability" and tax cuts; called for ECHR withdrawal in some shadow positions. Continues a long Conservative-Reform realignment. Badenoch herself ruled out formal pacts with Reform in May 2026 but suggested local cooperation. Losing ground in both 2025 and 2026 local elections. Traditional centre-right, drifting right under pressure from Reform. Sources: Britannica, Institute for Government, New Statesman, BBC.
Liberal Democrats
ECO −10 · SOC +50 · TRA +40 · GLO +60 · BOU +50
Gained ground in both 2025 and 2026 local elections, taking majority control of Cambridgeshire, Shropshire and Oxfordshire (2025) and continuing to absorb pro-EU centrist Conservatives. "End the Great Sewage Cover-Up" campaign (March 2026). Pro-EU, pro-civil-liberties, climate-active, market-friendly with a social safety net. Mandated stronger climate action by member resolution in 2025. The home of "anywhere" centrism and southern professional voters. Sources: Greenpeace UK 2026 ranking, Wikipedia 2025/26 local elections.
Green
ECO −60 · SOC +60 · TRA +70 · GLO +60 · NAT −40
Won 895 council seats in 2025 and 587 more in 2026, the largest single-year increase in party history. Under Zack Polanski (leader since 2025) the party has tripled membership and overtaken Labour in some national polls (March 2026). Supports universal basic income, redistribution, abolition of most immigration detention, regularisation pathways for undocumented migrants, and rapid decarbonisation. Pro-EU, pro-PR, anti-fossil-fuel. Now occupies the left-libertarian vacuum Labour vacated. Sources: Green Party of England & Wales (Wikipedia), Big Issue, Al Jazeera, Brookings.
Reform UK
ECO +30 · SOC −30 · TRA −70 · GLO −80 · TRU −50
Largest party by projected national vote share (~30% throughout 2025–26 polling; More in Common's January 2026 MRP projects 381 seats). Won 804 council seats in 2025, more in 2026. Policy platform: leave the ECHR, mass deportation programme via a UK Deportation Command, scrap net-zero targets, revive North Sea oil and gas, 40,000 additional police officers, mandatory minimum sentences. Strongly localist/nationalist on identity, economically liberal on tax but interventionist on industry. Deeply institutionally sceptical. Sources: Factually.co policy analysis, Greenpeace UK 2026 ranking, Brookings, Al Jazeera.
The parties, mapped
All five parties plotted on the same nine axes. Each axis runs from −100 (the inner end of the spectrum) to +100 (the outer pole). The shapes overlap because party positions overlap, what matters is the direction each shape points, not its size.
LabourConservativeLib DemGreenReform
These coordinates will date. We'll update them as the political landscape moves: if a party shifts position significantly, the numbers will move with it.
7 · What we can't do
It's UK-centric. The party-alignment section won't apply outside Britain. The axes themselves are roughly portable; the archetypes are calibrated to UK political traditions and would need re-calibrating for other contexts.
The axes are necessarily simplified. "Tradition vs progress" packages dozens of distinct attitudes into one dimension. The same is true of every axis. This is a feature of dimensionality reduction, not a bug, but it does mean nuance is lost.
The party scoring is a snapshot. Parties move. Labour in 2030 won't be Labour in 2026. We've timestamped this version (May 2026) and will update it when the picture changes.
It can't predict your vote. Politics is downstream of identity, habit, family, geography, and a thousand other things this quiz doesn't ask about. A 70% Green alignment doesn't mean you should vote Green or even will.
The matching algorithm has rough edges. With only 28 thinkers and 18 kindred spirits, some 8D positions are not perfectly covered. We've designed it to fail gracefully: when no good match exists, the system says so rather than fabricating one, but the further you are from a well-trodden ideological position, the looser the fit will be.
Found something we got wrong? Tell us. pablo@bulletinmedia.co. We'll publish corrections in a visible changelog rather than silently editing.
Key sources cited:
Eysenck, H. (1954) The Psychology of Politics.
Bourdieu, P. (1979) Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste.
Haidt, J. (2012) The Righteous Mind; moralfoundations.org.
Goodhart, D. (2017) The Road to Somewhere.
The Political Compass: politicalcompass.org.
Pew Research Political Typology: pewresearch.org.
Full Fact Government Tracker: fullfact.org.
Greenpeace UK 2026 party ranking; House of Commons Library briefings; UK Acts of Parliament 2024–26.